香港的法治核心價值這座基石是否不斷被侵蝕? P7

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editorial
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Re: 香港的法治核心價值這座基石是否不斷被侵蝕? P7

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【10.31 深水埗】兩人被控藏武等罪 男被告自辯:遭蒙面人抬上車 後知是警車
2021/08/20 - 18:225.8k
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前年 10 月 31 日,大批市民在深水埗聚集,一對男女被控藏胡椒噴劑、金屬棒等物品受審,裁判官香淑嫻裁定案件表證成立。男被告今(20 日)在西九龍裁判法院自辯稱,案發當晚至少 5 名蒙面、穿著深色衣物及手持黑棒的人,從灰色客貨車下車衝向人群。被告見狀逃走,「唔知佢哋咩人,我有啲驚」。被告突遭蒙面人亂毆至倒地,其後被抬上一架車,「去到架車,我就認得出係警車,(因為)架車係有警察 logo。」

裁判官香淑嫻裁定案件表證成立,首被告不自辯,次被告選擇自辯。他供稱,當晚在太子站附近逗留一個多小時,警員在晚上 9 時多舉旗,警告現場人士離開,故他往深水埗方向離開。次被告步行一個多小時,停留在黃竹街和汝州街交界,當時身旁有其他市民。次被告欲離開之際,一架灰色客貨車突然駛至上述位置,至少 5 名穿著深色衣物、手持黑棒的人下車,衝向人群。

見蒙面人持棍 被告逃走稱「我有啲驚」

次被告憶述該批人士蒙面,他見狀逃走,「唔知佢哋咩人又手持棍,我有啲驚,相信其他市民都係。」持棍人士追著市民,次被告跑到轉角位時,看到前方距離他 4 至 5 米的男子,突然扔掉身上衣物及書包,又聽到鐵狀物體跌在地上的聲音。

他轉身張望,看看是否已擺脫持棍人士,突然有蒙面黑衣人推他在牆上,用棍毆打其頭部,不久另一批約 5 至 6 名的蒙面人士,亦用棍毆打次被告的手腳,當中一人叫他趴下,「我俾佢打到頂唔順,訓低喺地下。」次被告形容,自己不斷被蒙面人士毆打,直至被鎖上手扣,期間對方無表露身份,亦無解釋毆打原因。

被告:遭抬上一輛有警察標誌的車

次被告指,蒙面人一直壓住其背,他聽到有人問「咩事」,蒙面人則腳踩其左臉十多秒,叫他「唔好出聲」。其後,次被告感到有人扣住他腋下及抬他起身,將他帶回一架車上,「去到架車,我就認得出係警車,(因為)架車係有警察 logo。」案件下午續審。

兩被告為鄧姓女學生(16 歲)及水泵維修員蔡沛霖(25 歲)。鄧被控於 2019 年 10 月 31 日在深水埗汝州街與黃竹街交界,無牌管有槍械,即一支胡椒噴劑。她另被控一項管有物品意圖損壞財產罪,即於同日同地管有一支噴漆;蔡則被控一項在公眾地方管有攻擊性武器罪,指他同日在深水埗黃竹街和汝州街的公眾地方管有一支金屬棒。

案件編號:WKCC3407/2020
editorial
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Joined: Fri Jul 20, 2012 2:08 pm

Re: 香港的法治核心價值這座基石是否不斷被侵蝕? P7

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【10‧20 九龍遊行】7 人認罪 黃浩銘還押候判 陳情書:能與戰友同繫一獄 是莫大榮幸
2021/08/20 - 16:037.7k
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2019 年 10 月 20 日九龍遊行案,前民陣召集人陳皓桓、民主黨前主席何俊仁、社民連前立法會議員梁國雄、社民連前主席黃浩銘等 7 人,被指煽惑他人參與未經批准集結、組織未經批准集結等, 7 人早前改為認罪。7 名被告於今日求情,案中原獲保釋的黃浩銘今日向法庭提交陳情書。求情之後,法官胡雅文裁定,黃須即時還押候判。

前民陣召集人陳皓桓、民主黨前主席何俊仁、社民連前立法會議員梁國雄等 7 人日前承認控罪,今(20日)在區域法院求情,強調他們並無意圖鼓勵使用或使用暴力,相反從他們在記者會上的言論,可見他們強調和平、理性、非暴力遊行,惟法官胡雅文屢質疑 7 人明知遊行有暴力風險,仍繼續遊行。

代表梁國雄以及吳文遠的辯方讀出由曾在香港工作,被僱主虐待的印傭 Erwiana 的求情信,Erwiana 指幸得梁國雄和吳文遠協助,支持她追求公義,讚揚二人致力為外籍傭工爭取權益,對社會有巨大貢獻

9.1 判刑 黃浩銘:毫無悔意

法官押後至 9 月 1 日判刑,黃浩銘需還押。黃浩銘步入被告欄時向公眾席大叫:「大家頂住,唔洗驚!」黃浩銘今親自求情,指承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪,明言「不打算尋求法庭的憐憫」。

黃浩銘講述對 2019 年示威的看法,直言對於當日的所作所為,「不感羞恥,毫無悔意」,表明爭取民主普選,建設真正法治,追求公平正義,仍然是他的理想,「在這條路上,如有必要,我仍然會公民抗命」。黃浩銘陳詞期間,有旁聽人士抽泣。他陳詞後,旁聽人士紛紛拍手。當法官胡雅文問他有沒有個人背景、家庭資料可提供時,黃浩銘搖頭回應:「喺(呢場)運動裏面,無我呢個個人」。

黃浩銘在陳情書中提到,自己不打算尋求「法庭的憐憫」,「法官閣下,我對於當日的所作所為,不感羞恥,毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路,與戰友同繫一獄,實是莫大榮幸。」

黃浩銘陳情書全文:

胡法官雅文閣下:

  2012年,我曾經站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」,述說對普選的盼望,批評惡法不義,並因公民抗命的緣故,甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說,如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除,惡法沒有消失,我依然會一如故我,公民抗命,並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日,普選仍然遙遙無期,我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判,但只是短短7年,已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命,反對暴政。今日,我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪,我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫,但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情,讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。

暴力之濫觴

  在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際,我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中,但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行,幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭,抗議不義惡法,今日關於10月20日的案件,亦是如此。可能有人會問,政府已在6月暫緩修例,更在9月正式撤回修例,我等仍然繼續示威,豈非無理取鬧?我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」(Justice delayed is justice denied)這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭,和平表達不滿的時候,林鄭政府沒有理睬,反而獨行獨斷,粗暴踐踏港人的意願,結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗,甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後,所謂暫緩撤回,已經微不足道,我們只是更加清楚:沒有民主,就連基本人權都不會擁有!

  在本案之中,雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為,但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件,相信在控方及法庭眼中,案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上,如此,我有必要問:如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉,人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律,試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢?如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦,那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢?如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗,那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言?真正且經常發生的暴力,是漠視人民訴求的暴力,是踐踏人民意見的暴力,是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力,痛恨暴力的人,不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗,又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責,那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢?

社會之病根

  對於法庭而言,可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂,務必追究違法者個人責任。然而,治亂治其本源,醫病醫其病根,我雖然公民抗命,刻意違法,控方把我帶上法庭,但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情,並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成,社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身,而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理,但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法,就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後,2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。

如果不希望社會動亂,就必須正本清源,逐步落實「五大訴求」,從根本上改革,挽回民心。2019年反修例運動,其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已,縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起,但我必須澄清,兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選,人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中,接近300萬人投票,民主派大勝,奪得17個區議會主導權,這就是整個反修例運動的民意,民意就是反對政府決策,反對制度暴力,反對推行惡法,不容爭辯,不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀,多次提醒政府撤回修法,並從根本上改革制度,而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今,法庭對我們施加重刑,其實只不過是懲罰民意,將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內,甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中,窒礙表達自由。

堅持之重要

  大運動過後的大鎮壓,使我們失去《蘋果日報》,失去教協,失去民陣,不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中,不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調,新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮,公民社會受到沈重打擊,我亦失去不少摯友,有感傷孤獨的時候,但我仍然相信,2019年香港人的信念,以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政,抵制惡法,展現我們眾志成城;我不會忘記人潮紅海,讓道救護車,展現我們文明精神;我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政,捨身成仁,展現我們膽色勇氣;我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人,展現我們彼此關懷;我不會忘記「五大訴求」,不會忘記2019年區議會選舉,展現我們有理有節。

  法官閣下,我對於當日的所作所為,不感羞恥,毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路,與戰友同繫一獄,實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石,將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制,隨時變成政治工具掃除異見,因此爭取民主普選,建設真正法治,追求公平正義,仍然是我的理想。在這條路上,如有必要,我仍然會公民抗命,正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明(Lord Hoffmann)所言,發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統,歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望,曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念,在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷,活在愛和真實之中。

  最後,如9年前一樣,我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說:「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力,來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量,來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧,我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律,因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧,我們仍然愛你們。」(We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.)

  願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安,與我和我一家同在,與法官閣下同在,與香港人同在。沒有暴徒,只有暴政;五大訴求,缺一不可!願榮耀歸上帝,榮光歸人民!

第五被告

黃浩銘

二零二一年八月十九日

Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified

Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
15:50

(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)

Your Honour Judge Woodcock

In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.

The roots of violence

At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!

In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?

The roots of society's problems

From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.

If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.

The importance of persistence

As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.

Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.

Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."

Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!

The Fifth Defendant

Wong Ho Ming

19 August 2021
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Re: 香港的法治核心價值這座基石是否不斷被侵蝕? P7

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網友亞孫: 夠吾夠恐怖?這不是恐怖襲擊,是危險駕駛引致他人死亡。
但現在香港的司法解釋是,如果司機挿了或車身貼有"光時"標語,就變成是恐怖襲擊。
這是法律定義還是政治定義?

開汽車可以撞死人,電單車單膠囅在前是不會撞死人,輕微撞到人,但被法庭判定是恐佈襲擊。如用腳踏車更會可能被判極嚴重恐佈襲擊。公平嗎?
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Re: 香港的法治核心價值這座基石是否不斷被侵蝕? P7

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【8.31 灣仔】兩男女被指參與暴動 證據不足獲判無罪
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前年 8 月 31 日港島區示威,男護理員及女學生被控在灣仔參與暴動、管有鐳射筆等,案件今(23 日)於區域法院裁決。法官李俊文指,控方沒任何直接證據證明,兩名被告在案發時間曾親身參與或在場鼓勵他人參與暴動,他們的衣著、曾逃跑及於暴動現場附近被捕等環境證供,亦未能引證兩人必然有參與暴動,加上警員稱在女學生背包搜出鐳射筆的證供不合理亦有矛盾,最終裁定兩人的暴動罪及女學生的在公眾地方管有攻擊性武器罪均不成立。
至於男護理員早前承認一項無牌管有無線電通訊器具罪,法官考慮到他的暴動罪不成立,亦無證據顯示該些器具曾用作不法用途,加上他適時認罪等,判罰 2000 元。

評: 法官公正不柯,裁定兩人的暴動罪及女學生的在公眾地方管有攻擊性武器罪均不成立,對被告沒有偏見。
何謂攻擊性武器?在社會角度看,匕首,開山刀,鋒利斧頭,削尖的水喉鐵管等等屬攻擊性武器。鐳射筆,小型板手,螺絲批等等曰常生活用品都不是攻擊性武器。在法律上,任何用作攻擊他人的物件都是攻擊性武器,關鍵是有沒有用作攻擊他人。乘坐用的摺凳,如用作攻擊他人,這摺凳便是攻擊性武器。一枝鐳射筆沒有用作攻擊他人,它只是一枝鐳射筆,與攻擊性武器址不上關係。
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Re: 香港的法治核心價值這座基石是否不斷被侵蝕? P7

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還押近半年高院申保釋被拒 譚凱邦:唔緊要呀,大家撐住!
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47 人組織或參與民主派初選,被控「串謀顛覆國家政權罪」罪,案件早前於裁判法院再提堂,並押後至 9 月 23 日再提訊,以交付高等法院審理。已還押近 6 個月被告之一的譚凱邦,今(23 日)由大律師馬維焜代表於高院申請保釋,由國安法指定法官杜麗冰處理。她聽罷雙方陳詞後,拒絕譚的保釋申請。譚得知結果後表現平靜,並指「唔緊要呀,大家撐住!」,及向公眾席以雙手作出心形手勢。
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Re: 香港的法治核心價值這座基石是否不斷被侵蝕? P7

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6 人同意控方讀出的案情,法官強調,雖然他們各人不認罪,但仍有一定程度犯錯,「如果你哋冇錯,我係唔會將一個冇做錯嘅人叫佢簽保守行為,呢個係於理不合」。
法官續說,在香港所有人犯法都會有法律後果,或許他們 6 人在案發時的社會氛圍下不知後果的嚴重性,「但兩年後有無數無數好似第三至第六被告(4 人年齡只有 16 歲)嘅青年人,喺法庭、呢棟法院接受審訊…… 唔係好多都可以好似你哋咁幸運,可以行返出嚟」。
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Re: 香港的法治核心價值這座基石是否不斷被侵蝕? P7

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警國安處引國安法 43 條 要求支聯會交資料 消息:警相信支聯會屬外國代理人
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警方國安處人員今早( 25 日)到支聯會副主席鄒幸彤在中環的大律師辦公室,派送警察國安處的信件,根據國安法 43 條實施細則,要求支聯會交出支聯會資料,鄒幸彤指,除了她之外,所有支聯會常委今日都收到國安處要求交出資料的信件,她譴責警察用國安法向公民社會施壓。

消息指,警方認為有合理理由相信,支聯會屬「外國代理人」,已去信約 10 名支聯會常委及相關人士,包括鄒幸彤、劉慧卿、關尚義,梁錦威、徐漢光、陶君行,還有正服刑的何俊仁、李卓人等,要求提供資料。
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Re: 香港的法治核心價值這座基石是否不斷被侵蝕? P7

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去年「六四事件」31 周年當晚,旺角朗豪坊外有人聚集,期間一名 22 歲男學生被指用雪糕筒擲中一名警員,當場被捕,他今(25 日)在區域法院承認一項暴動罪。辯方書面求情指,被告只是路過,因誤中胡椒噴霧而衝動犯案。
法官姚勳智接受本案非有預謀,只是事出突然,歷時不長,被告當時身穿休閒服裝,亦非領導角色,最終判囚 28 個月。

評: 22 歲男學生被指用雪糕筒擲中一名警員就是暴動!
注:是塑膠的雪糕筒
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Re: 香港的法治核心價值這座基石是否不斷被侵蝕? P7

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裁判官判刑時表示,非法集結罪「相當嚴重」,案發背景包括示威者向馬路上警員擲金屬罐、玻璃樽,引致警員受傷,要考慮阻嚇力「以儆效尤」,避免他人「有樣學樣」。至於襲警罪,裁判官指屬「嚴重罪行」,有關判刑法庭己多次表明要嚴峻及具阻嚇性,「否則前線警員得唔到保障」、「士氣受打擊」。裁判官表示,27 歲地盤工不認罪、無任何悔意,案發時更蒙面,既使執法難度增加,也有壯膽之效,「更加有膽量去干犯呢啲事情」,遂就各罪分別以 6 個月為量刑起點,並為非法集結中蒙面加刑一個月。
裁判官早前裁決時提出兩項襲警罪出自其非法集結行為,為免「一罪兩罰」而押後判刑,以處理法律觀點。他今日表示接納黃的代表大律師建議,判各罪同期執行,總刑期 7 個月,即時入獄。
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Re: 香港的法治核心價值這座基石是否不斷被侵蝕? P7

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21 歲科大生襲擊罪成判囚 9 個半月提上訴 上訴方:施襲者特徵與被告不同
2021/08/30 - 15:532.2k

去年 11 月 6 日,科大校長史維於校內舉行公開論壇,其後參加者發生推撞。21 歲工程系男學生被指襲擊一名內地生,經審訊後一項襲擊致造成身體傷害罪罪成,被判囚 9 個月 2 星期。被告就定罪和刑期提出上訴,今( 30 日 )在高等法院處理。上訴方質疑控方舉證片段中的施襲者與上訴人特徵不同,未能在毫無合理疑點下定罪。法官黃崇厚指須時翻看片段,押後案件至 12 月 1 日宣判。

21 歲被告陳凱文,被控於 2019 年 11 月 6 日,在科技大學賽馬會大堂與其他不知名人士,非法及惡意傷害男子鄭燦迪。事主在審訊中沒有出庭作供,控方依賴片段和事主的書面供詞舉證。裁判官鄭紀航裁定被告罪成,形容行為目無法紀,需予以阻嚇,判囚 9 個月 2 星期。

上訴方:未能肯定片中施襲者為被告

今日庭上重播原審時的舉證片段,包括控方指稱被告兩度往返論壇、施襲以及出入宿舍的片段。

答辯一方高級檢控官羅天瑋陳詞時指,原審時有案發前後片段見到被告容貌,再比對施襲者和上訴人的特徵和衣物,確認不同片段中的都是上訴人。

代表上訴人的大律師關百安質疑,原審裁判官定罪未能達致毫無合理疑點,指從片段所見,事發時施襲者蒙面,和被告的髮型、髮色、鼻型、眼睛大小,以及有否戴眼鏡都不同,質疑片中施襲者是否被告。而且案發前後也看不清片中人,甚至難以判斷不同片段的人是否同一人。

上訴方:原審無排除施襲者其他可能性

上訴方又呈上其他容貌相似的科大宿生照片,質疑裁判官無排除其他人都有機會是案中施襲者。上訴方提到,控方依賴的證物,包括手鏈、斜揹袋亦是一般大學生常見之物,不能達致毫無合理疑點。

上訴方:判刑援引監獄打鬥案不合邏輯

就判刑的上訴,大律師關百安認為裁判官犯了多個錯誤,包括引用監獄打鬥案件和本案的大學生打鬥案作比對,情節完全無關,同時又錯誤判斷案件和仇恨有關,案中亦無證據顯示和受害人的政見和國藉有關,反而只因為有人跌倒,受害人被包圍要求道歉。

大律師關百安質疑,裁判官似乎對上訴人有偏見,憑警察早前為上訴人拍照正面相,看到上訴人雙唇緊閉,就認為被告是故意為之,令人看不清嘴型。

法官黃崇厚表示,需時翻看片段,暫定 12 月 1 日上午 10 時半宣判。被告獲准繼續保釋。

案件編號:HCMA368/2020
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